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Journal titles: JOURNAL OF CONFLICT AND SECURITY LAW --- ORBIS
Journal of Conflict and Security Law
Volume 25, no. 1, January 2020
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Pillars not Principles: The Status of Humanity and Military Necessity in the Law of Armed Conflict by Winter, Elliot. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p1-31, 31p; Abstract: Humanity and military necessity are often said to be ‘principles’ of the law of armed conflict (LOAC). However, for Dworkin, a concept must satisfy certain criteria in order to earn the status of a principle. First, principles carry different weightings to each other so that one may triumph in the event of a clash. Secondly, principles are capable of superseding positive rules so that coherence in the regime over which they preside is maintained. This article contends that neither criterion is satisfied by humanity or military necessity. Consequently, it argues that these concepts are not truly principles and that, instead, they are better viewed as ‘pillars’ of the LOAC.; (AN 53511336) |
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Cyber Operations and Collective Countermeasures under International Law by Haataja, Samuli. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p33-51, 19p; Abstract: This article examines international law on the use of countermeasures against peacetime cyber operations that fall below the armed attack threshold. It focuses on collective countermeasures— ie, measures taken by states which have not been affected by the cyber operation but which have been requested to assist by the state victim to these operations. While a general right for non-injured states to take countermeasures has not been recognised in international law, this article demonstrates that there is some support for this right in circumstances where the injured state requests assistance from a non-injured state. It argues that a limited right of collective countermeasures should be recognised in the cyber context. This is warranted as it expands the remedies available to states subject to cyber operations and offers a way for less technologically advanced states to obtain assistance when subject to malicious cyber operations from their adversaries; (AN 53511340) |
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Insufficient Knowledge in Kunduz: The Precautionary Principle and International Humanitarian Law by Marchant, Emma J. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p53-79, 27p; Abstract: The targeting protocols applied by forces during armed conflict are some of the most secretive documents held by any military. However, their role in applying principles of international humanitarian law (IHL) means that they are key to understanding their development. This piece is primarily concerned with practical and operational application of the precautionary principle under IHL; how much knowledge is sufficient to carry out an attack lawfully during modern armed conflict. In order to establish if a standard has developed with the increase in intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance technology, this piece uses the framework of an investigation into an incident in Kunduz, Afghanistan in 2009. I explore the difficulties of obtaining information post-incident, the differential standards expected by North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Bundesgerichtshof (German Federal Court of Justice), and the manner in which these can be evaluated through the principles of proportionality, distinction and precautions in attack. The piece looks at the interrelated issues raised by the Rules of Engagement and Tactical Directives, as well as the problems surrounding the clarity of intelligence available. I argue that this case is demonstrative of the failings inherent in the application and practical use of the precautionary principle outlined by IHL. The lack of transparency afforded in, and after, incidents of this nature prevents objective analysis and so the development of IHL can be obfuscated. I conclude that the lack of information following incidents of this kind confuses any intelligence standard that exists under IHL.; (AN 53511342) |
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Betrayal in War: Rules and Trends on Seeking Collaboration under IHL by Galvis Martínez, Manuel. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p81-99, 19p; Abstract: The article analyses the legal regime applicable to military operations seeking to gain the collaboration of enemy elements under International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Apart from addressing the prima facielegality of these practices, the article addresses some trends forming in state practice regarding limitations to its general permission. Throughout the review of academic opinions, treaty provisions, state practice and examples from armed conflicts, the author evaluates the evolution of the legal framework applicable to such tactics and provides some possible interpretations that can guide the developing process of the conduct of hostilities in the near future.; (AN 53511334) |
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The Common Approach to Article 1: The Scope of Each State’s Obligation to Ensure Respect for the Geneva Conventions by Robson, Verity. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p101-115, 15p; Abstract: Common Article 1 of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 is foundational, but not exceptional: the duty to respect and ensure respect for the Conventions must be considered within the framework of public international law as a whole. The Article obliges each High Contracting Party and its organs to respect the Geneva Conventions, and to ensure respect for these Conventions by the population over which it exercises authority and any other persons or groups whose conduct is attributable to it. This scope is demonstrated by the ordinary meaning of the term, subsequent agreements, subsequent practice and other relevant rules of international law, and confirmed by reference to the travaux preparatoires. In particular, erga omnesstatus does not affect it. As a matter of good faith performance of the Conventions, each High Contracting Party also has a duty not to encourage violations by others. Common Article 1 does not require, as some authors have argued, the prevention or termination of breaches of the Geneva Conventions by other parties to conflict, but High Contracting Parties may choose to take steps toward doing so, as a matter of policy.; (AN 53511341) |
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Designing the Organisational Structure of the UN Cyber Peacekeeping Team by Almutawa, Ahmed. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p117-147, 31p; Abstract: Neither the UN Charter nor other UN documents provide for the establishment of cyber peacekeeping missions. By largely ignoring the cyber dimension, the UN reduces the effectiveness of the modern peacekeeping operations which may, in many cases, require cyber intervention. Hence, there is a pressing social need for the establishment of a separate organisation of UN peacekeepers responsible for keeping the peace in cyberspace. The article aims to facilitate the establishment of a UN cyber-peacekeeping team by proposing its organisational structure and examining the qualifications of the cyber peacekeepers, their legal relationship with the UN, and the location of the cyber peacekeeping team. The organisational structure is important because it impacts how the organisation concerned learns, acts, and evolves. The proposed structure consists of two departments and four sub-departments. Each of them is responsible for specific peacekeeping responsibilities, ranging from assessment of cyber-security risks to facilitating the development of e-commerce in post-conflict countries. Although the proposed structure is currently merely theoretical, it can be empirically tested by creating prototype versions of the departments included in it and measuring their effectiveness on the basis of various criteria, such as reducing levels of violence between belligerent parties, protecting civilians from violence, and compliance with ceasefires.; (AN 53511344) |
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The Rulings of the Israeli Military Courts and International Law by Ramati, Nery. Journal of Conflict and Security Law, January 2020, Vol. 25 Issue: Number 1 p149-169, 21p; Abstract: International humanitarian law (IHL) provides the occupying power extensive legal tools in order to allow it to control and govern the local occupied population, with the possibility of establishing a military law system being one of the most influential. The military law system gives the Military Commander of the occupied area an immense power as a potential legislator and judicial authority, but what happens when this legal system encounters the limitations placed by IHL in general and Occupation Law in particular? To examine this question, this article will present the case of the Israeli Military Court system in the Palestinian Occupied Territories and its use, abuse and misuse of international law norms. Based on the 5565 published rulings of the Military Court of Appeals, this research identifies all of the cases that refer to international law. This article suggests that the evolving approaches of the courts to international law are, in fact, a tool to justify and advance Israeli interests over the rights of the Palestinian defendants. Moreover, the article presents the potential impact these rulings have on the law in Palestine, the law in Israel and customary international law.; (AN 53511337) |
Journal of Conflict Resolution
Volume 66, no. 3, April 2022
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Do Natural Resources Really Cause Civil Conflict? Evidence from the New Global Resources Dataset by Denly, Michael; Findley, Michael G.; Hall, Joelean; Stravers, Andrew; Walsh, James Igoe. Journal of Conflict Resolution, April 2022, Vol. 66 Issue: Number 3 p387-412, 26p; Abstract: Scholars have long examined the relationship between natural resources and conflict at the country level. More recently, researchers have turned to subnational analyses, using either individual countries or subnational data for a small number of resources in sub-Saharan Africa. We introduce a new sub-national dataset of 197resources that adds many resource types, locations, and countries from Africa, the Middle East, Asia, Latin America, and Europe. To demonstrate the value of the new dataset, we examine how conflict incidence varies with the value of the collective set of resources in a given location using world prices. We then introduce new country-specific price data, which are more relevant for conflict dynamics. Since country-specific prices can be endogenous to conflict, we instrument country-specific prices using U.S. and world prices. We find that sub-national resource wealth is associated with higher levels of conflict using some specifications, though the results vary widely by data source and world region. Using an instrumental variables strategy lends the strongest support to this positive relationship, but only for African countries. Notably, across all of our models, we find that resources are negatively associated with conflict in Latin America, suggesting heterogeneity of effects worth future exploration.; (AN 58934358) |
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The Importance of UN Security Council Resolutions in Peacekeeping Operations* by Benson, Michelle; Tucker, Colin. Journal of Conflict Resolution, April 2022, Vol. 66 Issue: Number 3 p473-503, 31p; Abstract: The influence of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping in civil conflict has received important consideration in a growing body of literature. Little research, however, has focused on UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions and their ability to determine and affect peacekeeping. New data on UNSC resolutions coded to UCDP/PRIO internal conflicts with peacekeeping operations (PKOs) is presented here. The data illustrate that resolutions vary importantly across conflicts and missions regarding their timing, sentiment toward rebel and government factions, level of action, mandates, authorized force levels, and substantive policies. Through a series of negative-binomial regressions using conflict-month replication data, we demonstrate that PKOs with both higher troops levels and a higher intensity of resolutions that condemn rebel actors experience a significant reduction one-sided rebel violence against civilians. In short, UNSC resolutions differ importantly before and during peacekeeping operations and may have an important impact on PKO effectiveness in civil conflict.; (AN 58974355) |
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Televising Justice during War by Stapleton, Stephen; Uribe, Andres; Wright, Austin L.. Journal of Conflict Resolution, April 2022, Vol. 66 Issue: Number 3 p529-552, 24p; Abstract: Television is an overlooked tool of state building. We estimate the impact of televising criminal proceedings on public use of government courts to resolve disputes. We draw on survey data from Afghanistan, where the government used television as a mechanism for enhancing the legitimacy of formal legal institutions during an ongoing conflict. We find consistent evidence of enhanced support for government courts among survey respondents who trust television following the nation’s first televised criminal trial. We find no evidence that public confidence in other government functions (e.g. economy, development, corruption) improved during this period. Our findings suggest that television may provide a means of building state legitimacy during war and other contexts of competition between political authorities.; (AN 59215640) |
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New Estimates of Over 500 Years of Historic GDP and Population Data by Fariss, Christopher J.; Anders, Therese; Markowitz, Jonathan N.; Barnum, Miriam. Journal of Conflict Resolution, April 2022, Vol. 66 Issue: Number 3 p553-591, 39p; Abstract: Gross domestic product (GDP), GDP per capita, and population are central to the study of politics and economics broadly, and conflict processes in particular. Despite the prominence of these variables in empirical research, existing data lack historical coverage and are assumed to be measured without error. We develop a latent variable modeling framework that expands data coverage (1500 AD–2018 AD) and, by making use of multiple indicators for each variable, provides a principled framework to estimate uncertainty for values for all country-year variables relative to one another. Expanded temporal coverage of estimates provides new insights about the relationship between development and democracy, conflict, repression, and health. We also demonstrate how to incorporate uncertainty in observational models. Results show that the relationship between repression and development is weaker than models that do not incorporate uncertainty suggest. Future extensions of the latent variable model can address other forms of systematic measurement error with new data, new measurement theory, or both.; (AN 58961844) |
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Erratum to ‘A liberal peace? The growth of liberal norms and the decline of interstate violence’ Journal of Conflict Resolution, April 2022, Vol. 66 Issue: Number 3 p592-592, 1p; (AN 58869877) |
Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding
Volume 16, no. 1, January 2022
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The ‘South’ Speaks Back: Exposing the Ethical Stakes of Dismissing Resilience in Conflict-Affected Contexts by Hajir, Basma; Clarke-Habibi, Sara; Kurian, Nomisha. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2022, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1 p1-17, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article extends current debates about the worth of resilience-focused interventions in conflict-affected settings and highlights two gaps in the literature: inattention to the role of positionality, and a lack of critical reflection on the binaries drawn between individual needs and structural change. We discuss the complexities of geopolitical conflict, identify the political resistance embedded within resilience, prioritise local voices and needs, problematise Eurocentric knowledge production, and dissolve false dichotomies by honouring the distinctive purposes of different disciplines. We call for new forms of contextualised, epistemic and cognitive global justice that capture the multifaceted, dynamic nature of adversity, resilience, and transformational change.; (AN 58664945) |
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Tolerance as Implicit Order: Militias and Sexual Violence as Practice in Indonesian Counterinsurgency Operations by Park, Soul; Sim, Zhi Ming. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2022, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1 p18-39, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhat conditions precipitate militia-inflicted sexual violence during counterinsurgency operations? In our article, we expand on the sexual violence as practice framework by focusing on the issue of commander's tolerance as a form of implicit order. Specifically, we argue that militia-inflicted sexual violence is amplified by two interrelated conditions – the link to the government security forces and the autonomy permitted to the militias in conflict zones. Thus, we refine the logic of sexual violence as practice to understand the finer variations of militia-committed violence. We elaborate our explanations by analyzing Indonesia's peripheral operations in East Timor, Aceh and West Papua.; (AN 58664947) |
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Conflict Disruption: Reassessing the Peaceandconflict System by Mac Ginty, Roger. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2022, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1 p40-58, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe notion of conflict disruption is proposed as an addition to the established conflict response framework of conflict management, resolution and transformation. Drawing on Schumpeter’s idea of creative disruption, the article considers how disruptive actions or stances may trigger or operate within conflict management, resolution, or transformation Moreover, conflict disruption prompts us to think of peace and conflict in systemic terms: peaceandconflict. Thus the article concludes by discussing the wider implications of conflict disruption for four aspects of peace and conflict: Time, Power, Scale and Connectedness.; (AN 58664948) |
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Not Just at Home or In The Grave: (Mis)Understanding Women’s Rights in Afghanistan by Firchow, Pamina; Urwin, Eliza. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2022, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1 p59-78, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article presents an original dataset collected in predominantly rural, Eastern Afghanistan, which finds that girls’ access to education and women’s professional and economic opportunities are key to understanding the experience of peace. In other words, many Afghan men and women in the areas studied not only want to see girls go to school and women sell goods at the market or treat patients in the hospital, but believe this to be fundamental to their understanding of peace in their communities. We seek to investigate this relationship, arguing that much of the donor-assisted programming in Afghanistan is based on a flawed and fragmentary understanding of gendered power relations and priorities, to the detriment of the goals of both peace and women’s rights.; (AN 58664951) |
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The Politics of Normative Intervention and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon by Burgis-Kasthala, Michelle; Saouli, Adham. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2022, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1 p79-97, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTLebanon's turbulent history has seen many political assassinations, but only one, the assassination of PM Rafic Hariri, led to the establishment of an international tribunal – The Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) – in 2009. Why was the STL created? This study suggests that the creation of the STL constituted a ‘normative intervention': purposeful attempts by domestic and international actors to transmit norms and institutions to a country to realize political goals. Normative interventions, particularly in divided societies, trigger ‘normative contestations’, which are shaped by the identities and interests of various actors. The result reveals that normative interventions deepen existing political cleavages.; (AN 58664950) |
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Trying Just Enough or Promising Too Much? The Problem-Capacity-Nexus in Tunisia’s Transitional Justice Process by Salehi, Mariam. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2022, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1 p98-116, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article shows that for post-revolutionary Tunisia, a holistic approach to transitional justice – which aims to address a wide range of justice issues through a combination of measures – may lead to an expansion of mandates and consequently, to the overloading of transitional justice institutions. It therefore identifies a ‘problem-capacity-nexus’: While the expansive approach appears well-suited to relevant problems and the capacities of transitional justice professionals, it does not necessarily fit with the capacities of domestic institutions. Thus, transitional justice, while making efforts to address a broad range of relevant problems, has yet to find suitable avenues for actually doing so.; (AN 58664946) |
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Post-Conflict Transitional Justice Choices and the Concomitant Resistance to These Decisions by Lang, Craig. Journal Of Intervention and Statebuilding, January 2022, Vol. 16 Issue: Number 1 p117-122, 6p; (AN 58664949) |
Journal of Military Ethics
Volume 21, no. 3-4, October 2021
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Character or Institution? Virtues or Rules? by Syse, Henrik. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p161-162, 2p; (AN 58790452) |
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Toxic Warrior Identity, Accountability, and Moral Risk by Wolfendale, Jessica; Portis, Stoney. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p163-179, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTAcademics working on military ethics and serving military personnel rarely have opportunities to talk to each other in ways that can illuminate their respective experiences and approaches to the ethics of war. This article draws on the experiences of First Lieutenant (1LT) Portis’s experiences in combat to provide a unique examination of questions about the relationship between oversight, accountability, and the idea of moral risk in military operations. In this article, we outline a particular experience of 1LT Portis’s that formed the basis of our discussions, before elucidating the ethical issues this experience raised. In particular, we see 1LT Portis’s experience as, first, illustrative of the problem of moral risk, when military personnel are placed in situations of moral temptation. The problem of moral risk, we propose, is best understood through the framework of the military’s duty of care. Second, we see his experience as highlighting tensions within the dominant moralized warrior model of the military profession. What we call a toxic warrior identitycan negatively affect the attitudes of military personnel toward rules, policies, procedures, and accountability mechanisms. In conclusion, we address the need to balance concerns about toxic warrior identity with legitimate criticisms of an overly demanding bureaucracy.; (AN 58790447) |
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Operationalizing the Ethics of Soldier Enhancement by Davidovic, Jovana; Crowell, Forrest S.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p180-199, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article is a result of a unique project that brought together academics and military practitioners with a mind to addressing difficult moral questions in a way that is philosophically careful, but sensitive to genuine concerns practitioners face. This is why this article focuses primarily on trying to build a usable decision-making framework for difficult decisions about soldier enhancements. Our goal is not simply to identify key values and principles that ought to guide decision-making in cases of enhancement, but to build a mechanism for implementing those principles.; (AN 58790450) |
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Do Unto Others in War? The Golden Rule in Law of Armed Conflict Training by Zommer, Matthew T.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p200-216, 17p; Abstract: ABSTRACTTraining on the Law of armed conflict (LOAC) employs different rationales to motivate soldiers and to induce their compliance with LOAC rules. Of these, none is as controversial, or as potentially contradictory, as the Golden Rule. This article analyzes the role of the Golden Rule in historical and contemporary LOAC training material, including manuals, pamphlets, circulars, and films. Research findings suggest that the Golden Rule message corresponds with changes in military training and doctrine that emerged as a result of Vietnam War violations. Furthermore, the Golden Rule is conceptually dynamic, having both positive and negative formulations that are tied to the larger concept of reciprocity. This article concludes with a discussion of possible contradictory interpretations of the Golden Rule and prospects for future research. Since this is the first systematic examination of the Golden Rule in LOAC training material, the author hopes that it will provide a foundation for further dialogue and research.; (AN 58790448) |
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Tactical Jus ad bellum: The Practice and Ethics of Military Designations of Friend and Foe by Perez, Celestino. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p217-236, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe just-war framework neatly distinguishes between jus ad bellum, the criteria that address political leaders’ decisions for waging war, and jus in bello, the criteria that address soldiers’ conduct during war. Yet developments in the empirical science of civil wars, the U.S. military’s recent preference that ground-level soldiers exercise initiative and autonomy, and the wartime experiences of U.S. soldiers fighting in the twenty-first century converge to reveal an unappreciated overlap between jus ad bellumand jus in bello. I examine three firsthand accounts of service in Iraq and Afghanistan to show how military leaders’ contingent decisions – insofar as they choose whom to marginalize politically, befriend as allies in combat, and oppose as mortal enemies – are susceptible, theoretically if not yet practically, of jus ad bellumcritique. Drawing on the work of Avishai Margalit, Michael Walzer, and James Murphy, I then argue that military designations of friend and foe implicate ethicists, political authorities, and military educators in a network of obligations. Ethicists must discern how to evaluate commanders’ political decisions, polities must prepare soldiers for political work, and military educators must teach the relevant scholarship. This argument has significance for regnant conceptions of military expertise and military education.; (AN 58790449) |
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The Vital Significance of Military Ethics by Stanar, Dragan. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p237-250, 14p; Abstract: ABSTRACTHuman nature, regardless of how we perceive it, whether from an ethical or psychological standpoint, is arguably such that it prevents the overwhelming majority of people from killing other humans. This causes significant problems for military organizations. As technology and science have evolved in the past century, killing has become easier, and we have found ways to bypass our inhibitions against killing. This article investigates and reviews how killing has become so effortless, and demonstrates why military ethics must continue to develop to ensure that killing is done only when it ought to be done. It also aims to explain why military ethics must be given a central position in military systems, and how detrimental it would be for military ethics to continue to be depreciated and disregarded by military leaders. Never before in the history of warfare has military ethics been so vitally significant, simply because never in history have war and killing in war been so easy.; (AN 58790446) |
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On Weaponizing Cannabis by Kamieński, Łukasz. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p251-268, 18p; Abstract: ABSTRACTNeither non-lethal violence nor psychochemical weapons are new concepts. History provides examples of attempts to use these both to limit the scope of war and to turn mind-altering compounds into weapons. One of these substances has been marijuana. Although previous efforts to find its military applications failed, the idea persists – as indicated by a US patent granted in 2017. As “weaponized cannabis” may again attract the interest of government agencies, the consequences of its potential deployment call for a debate. In an attempt to encourage such a discussion, in the context of the ongoing decriminalization/legalization of marijuana in some countries and US states, the article raises ethical issues pertaining to weaponized cannabinoids. It argues against the militarization of the drug, on the basis that such a development would constitute an ultimate instrumentalization of marijuana and result in a dangerous destabilizing reconstruction of its meaning along the lines of state coercion.; (AN 58790445) |
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The Hungarian Theory of Just War Based on the Idea of the Holy Crown: A Historical Case of Just Mission by Boda, Mihaly. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p269-280, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWarfare ideologies are as old as human civilization. By now, they have grown into an important and extended research field, including works analyzing the justification of war in ancient Indian epic literature, empire-building techniques in Chinese antiquity, and the warfare ideologies of Islam or Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Similar works concerning Hungarian historical ideologies exist, but a comprehensive survey remains to be seen. In this article, I present a special Hungarian warfare ideology which is based on the idea of the Holy Crown, with the help of the concepts of just war theory. Thereby, I throw light on a particular way in which just war thinking has been used and developed in Europe.; (AN 58790451) |
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Fostering Respect in the Military by Pelser, Adam C.. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p281-292, 12p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFostering a culture and climate of respect is a point of emphasis for the United States military. Yet, despite its clear commitment to the value of respect—and, more specifically, respect for human dignity—the military has struggled to understand how best to foster respect in its members. It has also struggled with precisely how to define the nature of respect, as evidenced by the different glosses of “respect” in the official value statements of the military’s various branches. It is my aim in this article to aid the important project of fostering respect in the military by explicating the nature of respect for human dignity, together with its corresponding virtue, and contrasting it with another kind of respect—namely, institutional respect. Having clarified the nature of these two kinds of respect, I will suggest some strategies for fostering growth in both kinds of respect in the military. I conclude by offering some brief reflections on the importance of fostering a culture of respect even for our enemies in war.; (AN 58790454) |
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Moral Injury among Returning Veterans: From Thank You for Your Service to a Liberative Solidarity by Cronshaw, Darren. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p293-294, 2p; (AN 58790444) |
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Winning Armageddon: Curtis LeMay and Strategic Air Command 1948–1957 by Syse, Henrik. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p295-295, 1p; (AN 58790443) |
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The Moral Status of Combatants: A New Theory of Just War by Lucas, George. Journal of Military Ethics, October 2021, Vol. 20 Issue: Number 3-4 p296-298, 3p; (AN 58790453) |
Journal of Slavic Military Studies
Volume 34, no. 3, July 2021
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Training the ‘Great Steppe Army’: Preparing Kazakhstan’s Ground Forces to Meet Contemporary Threats by Rowe, T. Jack. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p331-356, 26p; Abstract: ABSTRACTSince 1991, the Kazakhstani military and security apparatus has been seeking to define the primary threats it faces in the post-Soviet world and develop the capabilities needed to counter them. This article discusses the latest iteration of this process by analyzing Kazakhstan’s security challenges, their reflection in its 2017 Military Doctrine, and, using Ministry of Defense training and exercise descriptions, its Ground Forces’ success in developing the prescribed capabilities. By linking together the logic of threats, doctrine, and Ground Forces training, this article assesses that Nur-Sultan is preparing to counter a variety of amorphous threats, largely from within the bounds of its traditional security concepts.; (AN 58513805) |
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Carving a Peacetime Force from a Mobilization Military: The Overlooked Pillar of Post-Soviet Russian Defense Reforms by Whisler, Gregory. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p357-383, 27p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe 1990s are widely seen as a period of Russian military degeneration during which there were no meaningful reforms to the Russian Armed Forces. Although certainly Russian military power reached its post-Soviet nadir by the end of that decade because of drastic underfunding and inattentive national leadership, Moscow was also able to make some hard choices that finally began a fundamental shift away from the Soviet military model based on mass mobilization. This effort paid immediate dividends during the second military campaign in Chechnya and laid the foundation for more significant and lasting reforms carried out under President Vladimir Putin.; (AN 58513804) |
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To seek vengeance or not? How the Evolution of Revenge Propaganda Occurred in the Soviet Military Periodical Press by Arinov, Alemzhan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p384-402, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines the evolution of Soviet revenge propaganda between August 1941 and April 1945, and argues that it set out to cultivate sentiments of revenge in soldiers’ behavior. Indeed, so successful was this approach that in the final months of the war (February–May 1945) the Red Army’s political departments sought to redefine the concept of revenge as a way to suppress violence. Revenge propaganda started in August 1941, and initially showed a ‘class’ paradigm that distinguished between the concepts of ‘German’ and ‘Fascist’. This changed in May 1942. Demands for revenge became more anti-German, and centered on the publication of materials discussing the atrocities of German troops in the occupied Soviet territories. As the Red Army moved towards the German borders, and during the fighting in Germany (August 1944–May 1945), military newspapers again changed the perspective of revenge. They were instructed to use stories of Ostarbeitersand Soviet POWs about their time in ‘German slavery’ to encourage a desire for revenge on the Germans. In February 1945, the policy of revenge propaganda changed once more, as the desire for retribution threatened the offensive. Revenge was redefined, this time with the purpose of preserving captured property, to prevent arson in German cities, and to curb the number of cases of looting. From April 1945 onwards, military newspapers encouraged military personnel to treat Germans, POWs and civilians, humanely, appealing to their readers to maintain the honor and dignity of the Red Army.; (AN 58513799) |
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Too Little, Too Late: Evolution in German Counter-Insurgency Methods in Yugoslavia, 1943–1944 by Trifković, Gaj. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p403-425, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBetween autumn 1943 and autumn 1944, the Wehrmacht’s 2nd Panzer Army applied novel methods to stem the ever-growing tide of Yugoslavia’s partisan movement. During the first two years of the uprising, the German doctrine for combating the guerrillas was based almost entirely on brute force; in battlefield terms, this amounted to persistent use of classic large-scale encirclement operations aimed at breaking particularly dangerous enemy concentrations. After it had become clear that this wasn’t working, the Germans slowly began applying a more diversified approach in late 1943, including more reliance on small unit tactics, flexible operational planning, and subversive propaganda. Although initially successful, these methods came too late to make a strategic impact on the course of the Yugoslavia campaign. Furthermore, they could not offset the effects of Berlin’s long-standing refusal to dedicate more resources to this secondary theater of war.; (AN 58513798) |
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Improvised Liberation, October 1944: The Petsamo-Kirkenes Operation and the Red Army in Norway. Part 2 by Holtsmark, Sven G.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p426-458, 33p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis is the second of a two-part article exploring the background of the Red Army’s move into Norway on 18 October 1944. Did it reflect ambitions to prepare the ground for a long-term Soviet military presence in Norway or to create leverage for political influence? It was not: crossing the border became unavoidable once the strategic aim of the offensive, to surround and then destroy the main forces of the Germans’ 19th Mountain Corps on Soviet territory, failed. The rational for the Soviet move was tactical, not strategic or political. This part follows general Meretskov’s planning for and the execution of the successive steps of the operation starting from the elaboration of the final plans in late September. The military events are related to events in Moscow, including the interaction between the Norwegians and their Soviet ally and an illuminating exchange between Stalin and Churchill on the evening of 14 October. It concludes by briefly discussing the Soviet withdrawal in September 1945.; (AN 58513801) |
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‘I Considerably Miscalculated, Though Everyone Else Did, Too’: Colonel-General Erich Hoepner’s Private Letters On The Road To Leningrad (May–September 1941) by Stahel, David. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p459-477, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe German invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941 is typically reconstructed from military files that offer a dispassionate view, recording events rather than opinions. Gaining insights into the minds of key German commanders is much more difficult and often a matter of speculation, which all too often reflects the supposition of the author rather than anything concrete about the protagonist. Yet almost every German general wrote letters home to their wives and families in which — from the available examples — they offered surprisingly frank commentaries on the conduct of their operations. One such insightful collection is by Colonel-General Erich Hoepner, the commander of Panzer Group 4 in Operation Barbarossain 1941.; (AN 58513800) |
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7. |
Balkan Struggles: A Century of Civil War, Invasion, Communism and Genocide by Bozanich, Stevan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p478-479, 2p; (AN 58513806) |
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8. |
Turning Points: The Eastern Front in 1915 by Graf Thun, Romedio Graf. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p480-484, 5p; (AN 58513803) |
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9. |
Parleying with the Devil: Prisoner Exchange in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945 by Kocjančič, Klemen. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, July 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 3 p485-486, 2p; (AN 58513802) |
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10. |
Dr. Jacob W. Kipp - Scholar, Teacher, Linguist, Mentor, Humanist, and Long-Time Assistant Editor to The Journal of Slavic Military Studies by Grau, Lester W.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p173-174, 2p; (AN 58512865) |
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11. |
Charles Dick, Intelligence Corps Reservist Who Educated a Whole Generation of Senior NATO Officers in Soviet and Russian Operational Art by Donnelly, Chris. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p175-180, 6p; (AN 58512870) |
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12. |
When Russia Wages War in the Cognitive Domain by Splidsboel Hansen, Flemming. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p181-201, 21p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article offers a glimpse into the Russian thinking about information operations as this thinking is presented in politics and in research. The background is an understanding in Russia of an ongoing ‘information war’, waged by the West against Russia, and much of the thinking presented here is designed to help Russia handle this alleged war. The article takes a closer look at the relationship between sender and receiver, as well as at platforms and means and types of communication. Russian information operations are often associated with disinformation, but there is also a considerable use of regular information presented in a biased format. The operations show great variety, but the aim is always to influence others.; (AN 58512876) |
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13. |
The Black Sea Region Caught Between East and West by Sanders, Deborah. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p202-225, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnder the Belt and Road Initiative, China has become an increasingly important actor in the Black Sea Region, and this looks set to continue in the future. In the West, in particular in the United States and to a lesser extent in Europe, there has, however, been a tendency to see the growth of China as a potential threat to the West and Western interests. China has revealed geopolitical ambitions that challenge the leading role of the United States in the international system, as well as Western norms and values, and Beijing is widely seen as engaging in systemic competition with the West. As a result, there is a growing recognition in the United States that China has become a strategic competitor, and this view has been echoed in the European Union, which has designated China as a strategic rival. Although this strategic competition, at least between the United States and China, has been played out primarily, but not exclusively, in the South China Seas, there is growing concern that this rivalry is being transposed into other regions such as the Black Sea. In light of China’s engagement in the Black Sea Region (BSR), this article examines how this growing strategic competition between the United States and China, and to a lesser extent the European Union and China, is being played out in the Black Sea. In addressing this issue, this article examines Chinese engagement in each of the six littoral states and argues that Russia and Turkey have already tilted decisively toward China. Romania has firmly sided with Washington and Bulgaria with the European Union, whereas the two non-NATO and non-EU members of the BSR, Georgia and Ukraine, will be forced increasingly to make a difficult choice between East and West — between the security provided by Brussels and Washington as against the potential economic growth and investment provided by Beijing.; (AN 58512890) |
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14. |
Mechanized Corps – a study in mobility and transport by Davie, H. G. W.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p226-250, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDavid Glantz described the Soviet use of forward detachments as the ‘tip of the spear’ of a tank army; small, armored, heavily armed and fully motorized groups wending their way through the German defenses, avoiding contact and operating up to 50 km in advance of the main body. This article seeks to examine the other end, the ‘butt of the spear’: the mechanized corps which provided the mass of infantry required to defend the bridgehead at the end of the offensive. Although they contained a large number of vehicles, the scale of allocation was nothing like that of Western armies and, given wartime shortages, even these were not met. So how did the mechanized corps keep up on the long distance operations of late 1944? This article analyzes the mobility and logistics of mechanized corps during the campaigns of 1945. Using this example, it will seek to explain how the units operated as part of the larger tank armies, and how their use evolved during the earlier campaigns of 1943-44.; (AN 58512871) |
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15. |
The Battle of Prokhorovka: Facts Against Fables by Töppel, Roman. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p251-270, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThe battle of Prokhorovka on 12 July 1943 is a historical event that can excite passions like almost no other battle of the German-Soviet war. Time and again, Russian historians use old and new arguments to try to maintain the narrative of the Red Army’s supposed victory at Prokhorovka. The following article takes a critical look at some of the recent allegations about the battle of Prokhorovka. It is intended to counteract the ongoing myth making about this battle by juxtaposing the circulating fables and speculations with verifiable facts and figures and shows that there are two main reasons for the persistence of these legends: politics of memory and a lack of knowledge of the available German sources.; (AN 58512879) |
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16. |
Improvised Liberation, October 1944: The Petsamo-Kirkenes Operation and the Red Army in Norway. Part I by Holtsmark, Sven G.. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p271-302, 32p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis is the first of a double article on the Red Army’s offensive against the German 20th Mountain Army in the Murmansk sector, October–November 1944, soon to be known as the Petsamo-Kirkenes Offensive Operation, Petsamo-Kirkenesskaya nastupatel’naya operatsiya, or simply the Petsamo-Kirkenes Operation. Based on Soviet military archival sources, the article focuses on the background of the Karelian Front’s 14th Army’s move into Norway on 18 October 1944. Was this reflecting a larger scheme to prepare the ground for a Soviet military presence in Norway or to create leverage for political influence? My conclusion is that it was not. Pursuing retreating German troops across the border into Norway was not part of the plans for the 14th Army’s offensive; the move into Norway became unavoidable once the strategic aim of the offensive — to surround and then destroy the German forces on Soviet territory — failed. Contrary to Soviet expectations — and leaving behind much of their heavy weapons and equipment and suffering heavy losses — the 20th Mountain Army successfully withdrew its main units from Finnish and Soviet territory across the border to Norway. This operational rationale for the Soviet military presence in Norway also explains why the last Soviet troops left as early as September 1945. This first article follows the evolution of the Karelian Front’s planning against the German units in the Murmansk sector from its beginning in February 1944 until late September, when Stavka finally instructed the Front commander Kirill A. Meretskov to finalize the planning for the 14th Army’s offensive. As crucial background to the operational planning and developments, and based on mostly Soviet and British sources, the article also analyzes Norway’s place in Stalin’s and his entourage’s ambitions for the post-war order in Europe.; (AN 58512883) |
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17. |
Escapes from Russian Captivity by Prisoners of War Taken on the Eastern Front (August 1914 – February 1917) by Miodowski, Adam. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p303-321, 19p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDuring the Great War, more than 2 million prisoners from the armies of the Central Powers found themselves in Russian captivity. Most of those soldiers were captured between 1914 and 1916. Apart from the wounded and those taken prisoner in combat, the group of POWs also included deserters and those who had consciously decided to surrender to the Russians on the battlefield. Initially, Russian military authorities attempted to establish POW camps far from large cities and railway lines. However, the growing number of prisoners and the shortage of the financial resources necessary for the construction of new camps forced a change in the original plans. Therefore, new groups of prisoners were directed to cities to be accommodated in existing buildings, hastily adapted for their needs. These circumstances were conducive to escapes. However, getting out of Siberia or Central Asia was not easy. Consequently, the percentage of those who made that effort, in relation to the overall number of prisoners of war kept on the far side of the Urals, was low. According to official Russian data, only several hundred POWs escaped from their camps every month. Of those, only few would reach Sweden, Persia, or China. It was only the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918 that allowed the mass of 2 million prisoners to be repatriated from Russia. The scholarly research initiated anew by historians on the centenary of the end of the Great War should take a broader account of the subject matter of prisoners of war, particularly with regard to those captured on the Eastern and Caucasian Fronts. The present article seeks to address this need.; (AN 58512867) |
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18. |
Yugoslavia and Political Assassinations: The History and Legacy of Tito’s Campaign Against the Émigrés by Lee, Alexander. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p322-323, 2p; (AN 58512892) |
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19. |
Silver Birds over the Estuary: The MiG-21 in Yugoslav and Serbian Air Force service, 1962-2019 by Ripley, Tim. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p324-325, 2p; (AN 58512874) |
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20. |
Stalin’s War: A New History of World War II by Mann, Yan. The Journal of Slavic Military Studies, April 2021, Vol. 34 Issue: Number 2 p326-329, 4p; (AN 58512889) |
Journal of Strategic Studies
Volume 45, no. 2, February 2022
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Results |
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1. |
Understanding battlefield coalitions by Cappella Zielinski, Rosella; Grauer, Ryan. Journal of Strategic Studies, February 2022, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p177-185, 9p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBattlefield coalitions are distinct warfighting collectives. They are the groups of forces created by states that are formal allies, states that have no written agreement to cooperate militarily, non-state actors, or some combination thereof to engage in combat at the operational and tactical levels of war. They are also increasingly common belligerents in war, but there is little scholarship on their creation, composition, operation, and achievements. This special issue begins the necessary work of improving our understanding of battlefield coalitions, providing new insight into their nature and capabilities, as well as the military and political consequences of their combat operations.; (AN 59161558) |
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2. |
A century of coalitions in battle: Incidence, composition, and performance, 1900-2003 by Cappella Zielinski, Rosella; Grauer, Ryan. Journal of Strategic Studies, February 2022, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p186-210, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTUnder what conditions do battlefield coalitions fight as greater or less than the sum of their parts? Introducing the Belligerents in Battledataset, which contains information on actors fighting in 492 battles during interstate wars waged between 1900 and 2003, we present, for the first time, a portrait of the universe of battlefield coalitions. Battlefield coalitions win more often and suffer fewer casualties than belligerents fighting alone. Battlefield coalitions including forces fielded by the United States, states with pre-existing treaty agreements, and democracies are particularly powerful. By contrast, battlefield coalitions that include non-state actors lose the majority of their fights.; (AN 59161556) |
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3. |
Command and military effectiveness in rebel and hybrid battlefield coalitions by Reiter, Dan. Journal of Strategic Studies, February 2022, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p211-233, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTConventional thinking frames battlefield coalitions as collections of national armies fighting together as multinational coalitions. However, wars also include rebel groups fighting together as coalitions, and rebel groups fighting alongside states in hybrid coalitions. This paper seeks to better understand rebel and hybrid battlefield coalitions, focusing on command and operational military effectiveness. The paper first presents basic ideas about coalition command and military effectiveness from conventional wisdom on multinational coalitions. It then builds on these ideas to explore potential similarities and differences between multinational coalitions on one hand and rebel and hybrid coalitions on the other. In particular, the paper focuses on the nature of different command structures, the varying operational military effectiveness advantages for unified coalition command, and the political motivations for coalition members to resist creating unified command, despite potential effectiveness benefits. The paper concludes by providing policy recommendations to states who lead hybrid coalitions.; (AN 59161557) |
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4. |
Why rebels rely on terrorists: The persistence of the Taliban-al-Qaeda battlefield coalition in Afghanistan by Elias, Barbara. Journal of Strategic Studies, February 2022, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p234-257, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhy do some rebels form persistent battlefield coalitions with terrorist groups? I argue three factors are likely to condition whether the benefits of doing so outweigh the costs: 1) potential rivalry among coalition members’ political agendas, 2) the military, organizational, and political value terrorists can bring to the collective, and 3) the degree to which local partnerships are institutionalized or reinforced through threats of intra-coalitional violence. Analyzing previously classified and captured primary source documents, I examine the Taliban’s persistence in forming battlefield coalitions with al-Qaeda in Afghanistan (1979 – present) and find significant empirical support for the argument.; (AN 59161561) |
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5. |
When the coalition determines the mission: NATO’s detour in Libya by von Hlatky, Stéfanie; Juneau, Thomas. Journal of Strategic Studies, February 2022, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p258-279, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTIn this article, we argue that the composition of coalitions is key to understanding military operations, because it encompasses decisive intra-coalition dynamics such as great power and alliance politics, caveats and institutional constraints. The case study analysis, focused on NATO’s war in Libya, relies on content analysis of national and NATO policy documents as well as interviews with policymakers and military officials. We find that, while great powers predictably shape how missions are designed and carried out, their precise influence is affected by factors that are inherent to a coalition’s composition.; (AN 59161553) |
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6. |
Learning from losing: How defeat shapes coalition dynamics in wartime by Bjerg Moller, Sara. Journal of Strategic Studies, February 2022, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p280-302, 23p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhen and why do coalitions adapt in wartime? Drawing on insights from organizational research and bargaining theories of war, this paper develops a model of coalitional military adaptation. I argue that coalition members are slow to adjust their wartime fighting arrangements owing to collective action problems as well as the military and political practicalities inherent in coalition warfare. I illustrate my argument with a case study of the Austro-German coalition in World War I.; (AN 59161559) |
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7. |
Speaking with one voice: Coalitions and wartime diplomacy by Min, Eric. Journal of Strategic Studies, February 2022, Vol. 45 Issue: Number 2 p303-327, 25p; Abstract: ABSTRACTWhen and why do countries in a wartime coalition engage in diplomacy during hostilities? This paper establishes a theoretical framework of coalitional diplomacy that highlights each member’s private costs and benefits to fighting or seeking a negotiated exit. I argue that the propensity for coalition members to engage in negotiations is a function of the coalition’s balance of military contributions, as well as the coalition’s battlefield successes and failures. Evidence supporting these claims stem from a large-scale quantitative analysis of two centuries of interstate wars, as well as a close study of the Allies in the Crimean War.; (AN 59161555) |
Media, War & Conflict
Volume 14, no. 1, January 2022
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Results |
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1. |
Messiness in photography, war and transitions to peace: Revisiting Bosnia: Uncertain Paths to Peace by Bellmer, Rasmus; Möller, Frank. Media War and Conflict, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: During and after the wars in ex-Yugoslavia, Bosnia was a laboratory for new photographic approaches to war, violence and civilian suffering. Among these approaches, Fred Ritchin and Gilles Peress’s online photo essay, Bosnia: Uncertain Paths to Peace(1996), emphasized interpretive openness, plurality of meaning, narrative non-linearity and audience interaction, thus redefining as merits what photojournalism had formerly regarded as liabilities. The project convincingly represented the ongoing conflict’s multilayeredness and the vicissitudes of the transition to peace: on a day-to-day level, ambivalence ruled and alliances shifted; chaos, confusion and unpredictability prevailed. The project’s users experience the conflict’s messiness through the website’s overall organization which inhibits easy orientation, thus reproducing the conflict’s disorder. In the grids, in particular, non-sequitur panel-to-panel transitions illustrate the conflict’s lack of sense as it is traditionally understood. The project is an important precursor to current war photography, aiming to acknowledge the messiness of violent conflict rather than reducing it to simple but misleading narratives.; (AN 58848207) |
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2. |
Book review: British Media and the Rwandan Genocide by Bond, Catherine. Media War and Conflict, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; (AN 58859889) |
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3. |
Book Review: Transmitted Wounds: Media and the Mediation of Trauma by Hoak, Gretchen. Media War and Conflict, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; (AN 58886338) |
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Portrait of liberal chaos: RT’s antagonistic strategic narration about the Netherlands by Hoyle, Aiden; van den Berg, Helma; Doosje, Bertjan; Kitzen, Martijn. Media War and Conflict, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: Hostile political actors can use antagonistic strategic narration as a means of marring the image of targeted states in the international arena. The current article presents a content analysis of narratives about the Netherlands that were published by Russian state-sponsored media outlet RT between 2018 and 2020, capturing a period of heightened tension between the states. The authors distil and describe six overarching narratives used to portray the Netherlands as a state of liberal chaos. They analyse them using a framework of strategies underpinning Russian state-sponsored media’s narration, and interpret their strategic functions within the context of recent Dutch–Russian relations. Finally, they provide directions for future research, such as expanding on nuances within Russian media’s negative portrayals of different states or exploring the possible psychological responses this narration may elicit in the Dutch domestic audience.; (AN 58592277) |
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5. |
Book Review: The Desertmakers: Travel, War, and the State in Latin America by Lovell, W George. Media War and Conflict, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; (AN 58974145) |
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6. |
Iconic war images and the myth of the ‘good American Soldier’ by MacKenzie, Megan. Media War and Conflict, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This article explores the ‘good American soldier’ as a gendered ideal type shaped by, and reproductive of, myths about American military success, romantic notions of small-town working and white America, notions of heterosexual virility, and ableist stereotypes about personal resilience. Drawing from an analysis of 10 years of media coverage of an iconic image dubbed the ‘Marlboro Marine’, the article outlines three specific myths linked to the ‘good American soldier’, in order to provide an insight into ideals of militarized masculinity and the gendered myths that shape American nationalism and identity. In developing this analysis, the article extends existing work on military masculinities by introducing the ‘good American soldier’ ideal type and explores the multiple myths associated with this ideal type. The article also demonstrates how a media narrative analysis that covers an extended period of time makes it possible to observe shifting narratives associated with the ‘good American soldier’.; (AN 58460857) |
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7. |
Post-regime-change Afghan and Iraqi media systems: Strategic ambivalence as technology of media governance by Salih, Mohammed A. Media War and Conflict, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This article investigates the governance of post-US invasion Afghan and Iraqi media systems by analyzing provisions pertinent to public broadcasting, licensing, and defamation in 14 laws and policy documents in the two nations. The author argues that the results point to a regime of regulatory ambivalencewhereby state authorities have established an ontologically incongruent complex of legal and policy structures characterized by a simultaneous cohabitation of democratic and authoritarian tendencies. This ambivalence, born of struggles and contestations between state authorities, domestic civil societies and external supporters and donors, is a deliberate technology of media governance. The authoritarian tendencies of this regulatory regime have implications for media/journalists’ self-regulation as they are designed to curtail the agency of media institutions and journalists, and assert government control over speech and the flow of information.; (AN 58608783) |
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8. |
Drone affective politics against state impunity: The case of 43 disappeared students in Ayotzinapa, Mexico by Suarez Estrada, Marcela. Media War and Conflict, 20220101, Issue: Number Preprints; Abstract: This article analyzes some implications of new drone aesthetics involved in affective politics against state impunity in social conflicts. Whereas the literature on media, war and conflict has been centered around the war aesthetics of military drones, the author argues that civilian drones can mobilize affective politics – expressed, for example, in the aestheticization of shame, rage and the subversion of fear – as a means of political communication with and against the state. Further, she proposes that the present focus on drone aesthetics should be expanded to also account for the political affects that aesthetic sensory perceptions mobilize. Drawing on actor-network theory and new materialism, the article takes the disappearance of 43 students in Ayotzinapa (Mexico) as an exemplary case of state impunity in the context of the war against drugs and social conflict. By means of a digital ethnography of the social collective project Rexiste, the author analyzes its public interventions deploying a civil drone named ‘Droncita’, which sought to generate an aesthetics of affect against state impunity. The article contributes toward expanding investigation of (civilian) drone aesthetics and the mobilization of affective politics in the literature on war and social conflicts and collective action.; (AN 58608782) |
Mediterranean Politics
Volume 27, no. 2, March 2022
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1. |
Introduction: Arab responses to EU foreign and security policy incentives: Perspectives on migration diplomacy and institutionalized flexibility in the Arab Mediterranean turned upside down by Seeberg, Peter; Völkel, Jan Claudius. Mediterranean Politics, March 2022, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p135-147, 13p; Abstract: ABSTRACTBased on analyses of the migration policies of Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco, the overall idea behind this themed issue is to present a comparative study of responses by Arab Mediterranean states to EU foreign and security policy incentives. The themed issue draws on a historical institutionalist line of thought analysing how the given state-to-EU relationships develop or change over time and how institutions form part of and respond to new developments. Taking its point of departure in different dimensions of resilience attributed to the states analysed, this themed issue aims at shedding light on processes of institutional developments in the context of cooperation between the Arab states Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco, and the EU.; (AN 59112998) |
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2. |
EU-Algeria (non)cooperation on migration: A tale of two fortresses by Zardo, Federica; Loschi, Chiara. Mediterranean Politics, March 2022, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p148-169, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTDespite the bilateral commitment to engage in ‘regular dialogue on issues related to mobility, migration and asylum’, EU incentives have failed in leveraging Algeria to secure cooperation notwithstanding seemingly converging interests. What explains the Algerian endless resistance to the EU’s pressure and incentives? This paper claims that a focus on the historical development of the Algerian security regime improves the understanding of its non-cooperative approach vis-à-vis the EU.; (AN 59113002) |
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3. |
Fanning fears, winning praise: Egypt’s smart play on Europe’s apprehension of more undocumented immigration by Völkel, Jan Claudius. Mediterranean Politics, March 2022, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p170-191, 22p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article adds the case of Egypt to the themed section’s overall research interest, examining the extent to which the Egyptian government has reacted in its migration policies to incentives provided by the EU. It shows that Egypt’s 2016 ‘Anti-Smuggling Law’ (ASL), praised as a ‘milestone’, was crucial for the regime’s further power consolidation. Building on Tsourapas’s concept of ‘migration interdependence’, Egypt’s migration policy rather fulfils the purpose as ‘dramaturgical act’, aimed more at pleasing an international audience than improving migrants’ living conditions. Thus, the article also contributes to the widely debated ‘illiberal paradox’ in migration policies.; (AN 59112995) |
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4. |
Syrian refugees in Jordan and their integration in the labour market: Jordanian migration diplomacy and EU incentives by Seeberg, Peter. Mediterranean Politics, March 2022, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p192-211, 20p; Abstract: ABSTRACTFraming the analysis in Jordan’s foreign and security policy, this article discusses Jordanian migration diplomacy in relation to incentives offered by the EU. It is demonstrated that the unstable situation resulting from the long-lasting Syrian crisis has created a need for the Jordanian state to develop new political strategies, adjusting institutional policies and practices to the EU’s conditionalities regarding democratic progress and socio-economic reforms. The article takes its point of departure in the concept of migration diplomacy and bases its analysis of how the Jordanian government has developed its institutional flexibility on the theory of historical institutionalism.; (AN 59113000) |
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5. |
Migration diplomacy in a de facto destination country: Morocco’s new intermestic migration policy and international socialization by/with the EU by Fernández-Molina, Irene; Hernando De Larramendi, Miguel. Mediterranean Politics, March 2022, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p212-235, 24p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article examines Morocco’s migration diplomacy with a focus on the New Migration Policy (NMP) it launched in 2013 as a destination country. It argues that the NMP serves the objectives of Moroccan foreign policy towards bothAfrica and the EU, as international socialization by/with the latter remains a primary driving force for the country’s migration policies. The main recent change in Morocco-EU socialization has been a return from norm-driven role playing to an overt exhibition of rational choice and a transactional attitude around migration and border control practices – while role playing has been reoriented towards Africa and the wider international community.; (AN 59112994) |
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6. |
The dynamics of China’s attitude towards implementing the responsibility to protect in the Middle East and North Africa by Liu, Hongsong; Wu, Tong; Xu, Yue. Mediterranean Politics, March 2022, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p236-263, 28p; Abstract: ABSTRACTChina’s attitude towards the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has evolved from resistance to acceptance with reservations. Having endorsed R2P, China reinterpreted the emerging norm and put forward four principles of implementing R2P, namely target state consent, regional consensus, non-coercive means or coercive means authorized by the UN Security Council, and no precedent-setting, which are followed when implementing R2P. This article explores China’s change in attitude towards R2P and its different attitude on different R2P-related issues in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) as the key target area of R2P, arguing that the combination of socialization mechanism and localization mechanism explains a series of China’s behaviours including its change of attitude towards R2P, reinterpretation of R2P and stance on implementing R2P on specific issues. Through examining the Darfur issue, the Libyan crisis and the Syrian crisis, the article demonstrates how China supports or opposes the implementation of R2P under the combined influence of socialization and localization.; (AN 59113004) |
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7. |
Using Content Analysis to Study Political Texts: Notes on Turkish Parliamentary Debates by Nefes, Salim Turkay. Mediterranean Politics, March 2022, Vol. 27 Issue: Number 2 p264-271, 8p; Abstract: ABSTRACTThis article proposes that mixed-method content analysis is an apt and creative technique to investigate large amounts of political texts. To support this premise, the article discusses the advantages of the method on a study that scrutinizes the political debates about Armenians in the Turkish parliament between 1960 and 1980. In so doing, the article not only demonstrates the benefits of mixed-method content analysis in examining Turkish political texts but also outlines the research procedure to encourage scholars to use this valuable method in other contexts.; (AN 59113006) |
Mediterranean Quarterly
Volume 28, no. 1, 2017
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From the Managing Editor by Nordenman, Magnus. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 41944525) |
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2. |
A Stabilization and Development Dilemma: The United States, Transatlantic Relations, and Southern Europe in the 1960s by Rizas, Sotiris. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p3-28, 26p; Abstract: During the 1960s Italy and Greece were undergoing rapid economic and social changes that were significant in both their economic and political ramifications. US policy was able to influence the course of events either bilaterally or multilaterally in the context of the Bretton Woods nexus of institutions and procedures. The central argument of this essay is that Washington's policy was formulated under various contradictory considerations. Cardinal among them was the necessity of preserving the basic requirements of the Bretton Woods regime. The stability of currency parities, particularly the safeguarding of the preeminent position of the dollar as an international reserve currency and its credibility against gold, dictated the continuation of orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. Political stability in Italy and Greece as a prop against political radicalization was a strategic consideration that militated against a strict application of a deflationary policy. The development of transatlantic relations with Charles de Gaulle's France posed a problem from an Allied perspective and was a factor that also militated against the strict application of a policy of monetary stability.; (AN 41944526) |
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Cyprus's Natural Gas Strategy: Geopolitical and Economic Preconditions by Tsakiris, Theodoros. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p29-57, 29p; Abstract: Optimism arose about the discovery of Cypriot and Israeli gas reserves and how they might help resolve the Cyprus question, but the prospective monetization of these reserves has not modified Turkish or Turkish-Cypriot behavior vis-à-vis the Republic of Cyprus, despite Greek-Cypriot hopes. The gas discoveries were not the principal motivation behind the Greek and Greek-Cypriot attempts to establish a trilateral framework of structured cooperation with Israel and Egypt. The export of Cypriot gas to Egyptian liquefied natural gas facilities, however, is the only realistic option available to Nicosia that could also have a positive geopolitical impact on the trilateral framework and help reduce European Union gas dependence on Russia, although the reduction would be quite limited in the short to medium term. The revenues from the monetization of Cypriot gas reserves may be significant for the Cypriot economy, amounting to approximately 2 percent of its gross domestic product, but these direct benefits will materialize gradually over a period of fifteen years and will not be available in time to influence the ongoing talks for the resolution of the Cyprus question.; (AN 41944527) |
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4. |
Ukraine and the Middle East by Bishku, Michael B.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p58-81, 24p; Abstract: Ukraine is a country with close ethnic and historical ties to Russia, although it seeks to limit the political and economic influence of its more powerful neighbor. Therefore, since independence Ukraine has attempted to diversify its international relations as much as possible and to seek support for its territorial integrity. In the long run, it regards its political and economic futures as connected with the West. Meanwhile, the Middle East offers an alternative to mitigate pressure from Russia and to develop mutually beneficial relations with Turkey and Israel, with whom there are strong historical and cultural connections that offer some promise.; (AN 41944528) |
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Hama's Ominous Shadow and the Stalled Jihadist War in Syria by Celso, Anthony N.. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p82-98, 17p; Abstract: Little has been written about the Syrian Civil War and its relationship to the 1980s revolutionary period. This essay examines this historical connection and emphasizes the unique features that drive the current rebellion. The essay has five sections. First, it lays out the historical roots of the current confessional-political conflict. Second, it provides an overview of the Muslim Brotherhood – led 1979 – 82 rebellion and its defeat in Hama. Third, it discusses the role that the Muslim Brotherhood revolt plays in the current conflict. Fourth, it analyzes jihadist infighting that has weakened the insurgency. Finally, it assesses the role that Russian, Iranian, and Hezbollah intervention has had in bolstering the regime of Bashar al-Assad. Syria's jihadist revolt has limited but important parallels to the failed 1982 Muslim Brotherhood insurrection. Even with the regime's conquest of Aleppo, the Islamist defeat in today's war is far from certain, although the current jihadist insurgency has stalled.; (AN 41944529) |
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The Syrian Kurds and the Democratic Union Party: The Outsider in the Syrian War by Plakoudas, Spyridon. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p99-116, 18p; Abstract: By June 2016, the Kurds of Syria (just 12 percent of the country's total population) controlled almost all of the 822-kilometer Turkish-Syrian border and advanced against Manbij and Raqqa — the Islamic State's resupply center and capital, respectively. How did the Syrian Kurds grow from pariahs to kingmakers in northern Syria? This essay surveys the strategy of the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the most powerful organization among the Syrian Kurds, from 2011 until the first half of 2016, and shows how the PYD's realpolitik secured the party's survival and, eventually, success in the midst of a vicious sectarian civil war.; (AN 41944530) |
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Muslim Responses to the Crusades: A Brief Survey of Selected Literature by Gada, Muhammad Yaseen. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p117-129, 13p; Abstract: There is a wealth of literature on the Western perspective of the Crusades. The subject has crossed academic disciplines because of the availability of the literature in the modern world. That does not necessarily mean that what has been said about the Crusades is completely correct. Moreover, little attention is given to the side against which the Crusades were launched in the Middle Ages, and not much has been written on the Muslim responses to the Crusades. The recent past, however, has produced some interesting research on the medieval Muslim perspective and understanding of the Crusades and Crusaders, as seen and recorded by the Muslim scholars of that period. This essay explores and surveys the existing literature on the Muslim responses to the Crusades.; (AN 41944531) |
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8. |
Prime Ministers in Greece: The Paradox of Power by Coufoudakis, Van. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p130-133, 4p; (AN 41944532) |
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9. |
The Holocaust in the Crimea and the North Caucasus by Sattler, Peter. Mediterranean Quarterly (Highwire), 2017, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 1 p133-136, 4p; (AN 41944533) |
Middle East Journal
Volume 75, no. 1, May 2021
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Record |
Results |
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1. |
Securitization as a Tool of Regime Survival: The Deployment of Religious Rhetoric in Bashar al-Asad's Speeches by Aldoughli, Rahaf. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p9-32, 24p; Abstract: Abstract:This article analyzes the role of Sunni Islam in speeches given to religious scholars by Syrian president Bashar al-Asad in 2014 and 2017. I discuss how religion was used in these speeches as a security tool to consolidate authority, legitimize the Ba'thist regime, and marginalize political dissidents. I specifically highlight the emphasis Asad placed on convincing government-recognized 'ulama to support state security measures and to the novel links he constructed between Islam and national unity.; (AN 56208938) |
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Fighting for a Monopoly on Governance: How the Asad State "Won" the Syrian War and to What Extent by Droz-Vincent, Philippe. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p33-54, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:This article argues that the functional continuity of the Syrian state has been a key factor in the "victory" of the regime of Bashar al-Asad in the country's civil war. State continuity has not only meant first maintaining the structure of the military but sustaining the bureaucracy and preserving its reach within society. While elements of the opposition have been able to create state-like structures, the regime has managed to undermine its competitors and ensure the indispensability of the Asad state, though challenges remain.; (AN 56208929) |
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3. |
China and the Reconstruction of Syria by Burton, Guy; Lyall, Nicholas; Pauley, Logan. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p55-75, 21p; Abstract: Abstract:How will China contribute to Syria's postwar reconstruction? The Syrian regime's Russian and Iranian sponsors are unlikely to provide sufficient material assistance, while Gulf and Western countries are unwilling to help. This article shows how Chinese support has thus become the Syrian regime's priority, although China's state and private firms will be wary of risk. China could also provide Syria with a model for development, but it would be partial as it lacks a peace-building dimension, including the construction of transitional justice.; (AN 56209093) |
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Tunisia's Peripheral Cities: Marginalization and Protest Politics in a Democratizing Country by Sadiki, Larbi. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p77-98, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:This article investigates Tunisia's southern "periphery within the periphery," drawing on original interviews to examine marginalization and center-periphery relations in the country since the 2011 revolution. Comparisons are drawn between the informal economy of cross-border smuggling in Ben Guerdane and the jobless youth of Tataouine being left behind as corporate elites and companies become wealthy from the natural resources extracted from the area. This had led to an embrace of "unruly" protest politics, rebelling against the postrevolutionary political establishment. A trend toward disillusionment with democracy might be on the horizon for the marginalized youth in the south, exacerbating regional cleavages and posing a potential crisis for Tunisia's democratization.; (AN 56208968) |
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Building a Proto-State on Quicksand: The Rise and Fall of the Palestinian State-in-Exile in Lebanon by Eleftheriadou, Marina. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p99-120, 22p; Abstract: Abstract:In the wake of its relocation to Lebanon, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) transformed from a guerrilla force into a state-builder. This article explores this transition and argues that the creation of the Palestinian protostate in Lebanon was largely guided by the country's civil war–induced state collapse after 1975, which created both opportunities and needs that forced the Palestinian movement to engage in state-building. Enticed by new opportunities and constrained by the Lebanese Civil War's volatility, the Palestinian movement shifted its strategic priorities from cross-border campaigns against Israel to fighting within Lebanon. These new opportunities and needs also encouraged the PLO to transform itself into a semi-conventional force, which led to its defeat in 1982 and the collapse of the Palestinian proto-state.; (AN 56208925) |
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Chronology: September 16–December 31, 2020 The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p121-155, 35p; (AN 56209208) |
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7. |
How Much Does Oil Shape US Strategic Interests in the Middle East? by Krane, Jim. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p157-162, 6p; (AN 56208943) |
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8. |
Jews, Muslims and Jerusalem: Disputes and Dialogues by Moshe Ma'oz (review) by Elman, Miriam F.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p163-164, 2p; (AN 56208903) |
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9. |
Exile and the Nation: The Parsi Community of India and the Making of Modern Iran by Afshin Marashi (review) by Matthee, Rudi. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p166-168, 3p; (AN 56209138) |
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10. |
The Shadow Commander: Soleimani, the U.S., and Iran's Global Ambitions by Arash Azizi (review) by Alavi, Ali. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p168-169, 2p; (AN 56208992) |
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11. |
Graveyard of Clerics: Everyday Activism in Saudi Arabia by Pascal Menoret (review) by Foley, Sean. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p169-171, 3p; (AN 56208893) |
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12. |
New Media and Revolution: Resistance and Dissent in Pre-Uprising Syria by Billie Jeanne Brownlee (review) by Ali, Sherwan Hindreen. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p171-173, 3p; (AN 56208933) |
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13. |
Tunisian Civil Society: Political Culture and Democratic Function since 2011 by Alexander P. Martin (review) by Marzo, Pietro. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p173-174, 2p; (AN 56209036) |
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14. |
Nostalgia for the Empire: The Politics of Neo-Ottomanism by M. Hakan Yavuz (review) by Danforth, Nicholas. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p174-175, 2p; (AN 56209302) |
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15. |
Losing the Long Game: The False Promise of Regime Change in the Middle East by Philip H. Gordon (review) by Boduszyński, Mieczysław P.. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p185-187, 3p; (AN 56209193) |
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16. |
Houses Built on Sand: Violence, Sectarianism and Revolution in the Middle East by Simon Mabon (review) by Eriksson, Jacob. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p187-189, 3p; (AN 56209176) |
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17. |
Recent Publications by Cataliotti, Joseph Domingo; Uribe, Juanita García; Gutierrez, David; Mendonsa, Will. The Middle East Journal (Project Muse), May 2021, Vol. 75 Issue: Number 1 p191-192, 2p; (AN 56208942) |
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Middle East Policy
Volume 28, no. 3-4, September 2021
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Record |
Results |
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1. |
Issue Information Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p1-2, 2p; (AN 58939285) |
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2. |
Changes in Palestinian and Israeli Leadership: Implications for US Policy by Arbell, Dan; Rahman, Omar; Nusseibeh, Sari; Rubin, Joel; Schmierer, Richard; Alghussein, Bassima. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p3-21, 19p; (AN 58939281) |
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3. |
Middle East Cyber Security: Threats and Opportunities by Shires, James; Handler, Simon; Moran, Jim; Bahgat, Gawdat. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p22-39, 18p; (AN 58939286) |
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4. |
Coronavirus Pandemic: The Blame Game in Middle East Geopolitics by Raza, Syed Sami. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p40-54, 15p; Abstract: The Middle East is notorious for its deep‐rooted state rivalries based on ethnic and sectarian divisions. Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey are the three major powers in the region that seek hegemony, impelling the smaller states to choose their allies. At the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, these major powers engaged in a blame game about the spread of the virus in the region, further straining their diplomatic relations. In this article, I map out this blame game among the major powers as well as other political groups and nonstate actors in the Middle East. This highlights how the pandemic has entrenched state rivalries and intensified regional geopolitics.; (AN 58939278) |
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5. |
The Covid‐19 Pandemic and Iranian Health Diplomacy by Dolatabadi, Ali Bagheri; Kamrava, Mehran. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p55-71, 17p; Abstract: Iran's foreign policy changed with the spread of Covid‐19 in three main ways. First, the pandemic propelled its health diplomacy into prominence. Second, the pandemic altered the customary view of the country's diplomacy. For more than four decades, Iran has regarded this diplomacy from the perspective of humanitarianism and ethics. But the pandemic imparted new object lessons. Third, the pandemic ushered Iran into a new era of cooperation with the World Health Organization (WHO). Considering Iran's medical and other scientific achievements over the past three decades, it seems likely that pursuing this diplomacy can improve Iran's position in the WHO and enhance its prestige and influence within this and other international organizations, possibly easing the pressure of sanctions in the future.; (AN 58939290) |
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6. |
Peace Is Relative: Qatar and Agreements with Israel by Admoni, Ariel. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p72-87, 16p; Abstract: The normalization of relations between Israel and the UAE and Bahrain had a major impact on other entities in the Middle East. One of the important players was the Al Thani administration in Qatar. This was the third time Doha needed to respond to a peace treaty with Israel. Every time, Qatar has chosen a different way. In the cases of both the Egypt–Israel peace treaty and the Abraham Accords, Doha objected. In the 1990s, however, the Al Thani regime supported rapprochement with Israel, for two reasons. The first was the opinion of the Palestinian community. The second was due to the objectives of the foreign policy of the emirate. In 1979, Qatar had to suit the norm in the Arab arena, in particular, Saudi Arabia. In 1990, it had to externalize Qatar's status in international affairs. In 2020, it had to ally itself with other Islamic states and organizations that opposed Israel, like Turkey. In order to understand Doha's point of view on the peace agreements, this article examines each one separately, as each has its unique features, causes, and consequences for the negotiations and the way they affected the years that followed. The article then identifies the recurring characteristics of the two earlier processes and their relevance to contemporary politics in the Persian Gulf.; (AN 58939287) |
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7. |
Israel's Periphery Doctrines: Then and Now by Guzansky, Yoel. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p88-100, 13p; Abstract: One of Israel's first political strategies was its establishment of relations with non‐Arab states through its “periphery doctrine.” As a means of balancing pan‐Arabism and outflanking its hostile Arab neighbors, the strategy served to enhance Israel's security and economic ties, and reduce regional isolation. Today, Israel operates under a “reverse periphery doctrine,” having recently formed or improved ties with several Arab Gulf states and Eastern Mediterranean countries. The basis for the current Israeli strategy is the understanding by the involved parties that, despite specific political disagreements, they share certain security and economic interests for which an alliance can provide concrete, mutual benefits, especially countering the growing regional influences of Iran and Turkey. In both peripheries, Israel's diplomatic efforts were largely related to the relative power of Iran and Turkey, countries with which Israel had allied itself in the initial periphery. Their present‐day power is the reason Israel is aligned against them in the reverse periphery. As the United States continues to recede from the Middle East, members of the reverse periphery will be further emboldened to work together in managing shared threats.; (AN 58939277) |
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8. |
Crisis in the Shiite Crescent: Ascendency of Secularism? by Roomi, Farshad; Kazemi, Ehsan. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p101-115, 15p; Abstract: Although the member states of the Shiite Crescent—Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon—have recently gained partial success in regional competition, they face a governance crisis due to the growing public dissatisfaction in each country. This has undermined their achievements and made them the field of conflict between the proponents of secular and political Islam. However, consequential to the revived Shiite identity and the reinvigorated incentive to shape the politics of the Middle East after the Shiite rise to power in Iraq, the Iran‐led alliance has concerned Arab states wary of changes taking place in the traditional regional order. The result has been an upsurge of distrust and a clash between Shiite fundamentalists and the conservative Arab states.; (AN 58939289) |
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9. |
Shii‐Kurd Relations in Post‐2003 Iraq: Visions of Nationalism by Machlis, Elisheva. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p116-132, 17p; Abstract: Regime change in Iraq provided a new opportunity for Shiis and Kurds to create a new power‐sharing system. These two persecuted communities embraced a democratic‐federal system based on a combined civic and ethnocultural model. Analyzing this new alliance, this article argues that there were prominent forces within both communities that did not uphold an essentialist sense of identity, thus providing a basis for mutual recognition, as reflected in the new constitution. However, while in theory there was room for mitigating sectarian and ethnic boundaries, in practice, the differences assumed a much larger place, as reflected in the power struggle between Baghdad and Erbil. The process of unifying Iraq lacked an in‐depth debate over the place of diverse national narratives, together with an effort toward people‐to‐people contact. Concurrently, the struggle against the jihadists enhanced Shii‐Kurdish interdependency, while the battle of Kirkuk led to greater pragmatism. Post‐2003 Iraq provides a challenging case of democratization and regime change, due to the need for a delicate balancing act between power and multiple visions of religion and ethnic identity while contemplating multiple visions of nationalism.; (AN 58939292) |
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10. |
Turkey's Military Operations in Iraq: Context and Implications by Kardaş, Şaban. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p133-143, 11p; Abstract: Turkey has pursued an assertive military campaign in Iraq to eliminate the presence of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which has been supported by elements of hard power, coercive diplomacy, and an increasingly emboldened foreign‐intelligence apparatus. This article traces the roots of this new phase in Turkey's cross‐border military engagement to two interrelated factors. First, Ankara has adopted a new counterterrorism doctrine that relies on a militarized regional policy. Second, the course of Turkey‐Iraq relations since the liberation of Mosul and the Kurds' failed independence bid has allowed Ankara to forge a relationship of dominance over Baghdad and Erbil, facilitating its interventionism. Next, the article evaluates the broader implications of Turkey's determination to sustain the ongoing campaign. First, Turkey's military operations against the PKK may play a decisive role in the organization's evolution. Second, they may expose the challenges and limits of Ankara's new assertiveness and reliance on the use of force in the Middle East. Third, Turkey may have to pursue a delicate line in its coercive policy, lest it further undermine the fragile internal balances of Iraq. Last, while Ankara's assertiveness may test the tense relationship with Tehran, it may not end the new understanding the two countries reached in their regional policies.; (AN 58939272) |
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11. |
Turkish Foreign Policy in a Neorealist Framework: Bilateral Relations Since 2016 by Yilmaz, Eren Alper. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p144-158, 15p; Abstract: In the last five years, Turkish foreign policy in the regional and international arenas has followed a neorealist approach, mostly defensive, by establishing either cooperation or conflict with its allies, based on the dynamics of its domestic politics and the structure of the international system. Due especially to the coup attempt in 2016 and rising tension in Syria sparked by the activities of illegal groups, Turkey has usually followed a security‐oriented foreign policy to ensure national security and strengthen its strategic position within the framework of agreements in the military operations at its southern borders and its uncompromising principles regarding migration. The objective of this study is to analyze why Turkish foreign policy has followed a neorealist policy, by evaluating the bilateral relations with Turkey's core allies, the United States, Russia, and the European Union—ties that have survived at the highest level, even after the coup attempt and the Syrian conflict.; (AN 58939274) |
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12. |
Transforming Yemen? Divergent Saudi and Emirati Intervention Policies by Parker, Tyler B.. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p159-171, 13p; Abstract: Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have pursued distinct policies in Yemen since their intervention began in March 2015. The Saudis remain mired in an air war in the north to defeat the Houthis, an Iran‐linked group that ousted Yemeni President Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Between 2016 and 2019, the UAE shifted from this task toward a ground war in the south to fight Islamist groups and support the Southern Transitional Council (STC), a secessionist organization that opposes Hadi's government. Why have Saudi Arabia and the UAE pursued such different intervention policies? Building on Elizabeth Saunders’ intervention typology, as well as theories of alliance politics, I analyze individual‐leader perceptions of both the origins and types of external threats. I argue that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman formed a “nontransformative” policy in the north to address a material threat embodied in the Houthis. Alternatively, Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed formed a “transformative” policy in the south to counter Islamist threats that could spread to the UAE. Assessing these different intervention policies amid divergent threat perceptions sheds light on Yemen's multifaceted conflict.; (AN 58939283) |
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13. |
The Afghan Peace Process: Domestic Fault Lines by Verma, Raj. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p172-185, 14p; Abstract: The intra‐Afghan dialogue stalled despite hectic diplomatic efforts by the United States, North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Russia, and other countries to revitalize the dialogue and reach a political settlement before Western troops left Afghanistan. This article argues that there were three main reasons for disagreement between the Afghan government and the Taliban, and these issues remained a major stumbling block in the peace process and will prevent lasting peace. First, the Taliban were unwilling to reduce violence or declare a “permanent and comprehensive ceasefire,” as stated in the US‐Taliban peace deal. Second, the Taliban would not accept Afghanistan's democratic political system and insisted on establishing an “Islamic Emirate.” The group also showed its reluctance to respect women's rights and advances made with respect to their social position. Third, the Taliban consistently refused to respect ethnic and religious tolerance of minorities, especially the Shia Hazara. The Hazara have declared that they will take up arms to protect themselves against the Taliban's return to power in Kabul, which does not bode well for peace and stability in Afghanistan.; (AN 58939273) |
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14. |
Iran's Regional Influence in Light of Its Security Concerns by Akbar, Ali. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p186-202, 17p; Abstract: During the past two decades, Iran has gained a prominent position in the Middle East. Its influence in Iraq has gradually increased following the US invasion in 2003, and in Syria after the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011. Many scholars and political analysts frame Iran's actions in the region as driven by the country's desire for expansionism. This article, however, demonstrates that Tehran's foreign policy rationale for exercising regional influence, especially in Iraq and Syria, has mainly been oriented around guaranteeing Iran's national security.; (AN 58939282) |
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15. |
China between Iran and the Gulf Monarchies by Fulton, Jonathan. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p203-216, 14p; Abstract: China's deepening ties to Iran, evident in the comprehensive strategic partnership (CSP) signed in 2021 after five years of stalled progress, is not an indication of a revisionist Chinese approach to the Gulf region. In fact, its CSPs with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, already activated and implemented, are at far more mature levels, commensurate with China's deep levels of economic and political engagement with the Arab side of the Gulf. This is consistent with a strategic hedging approach that Beijing has used to build a sustainable presence without disrupting a competitive and fragile regional order. With far larger and more diverse interests in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, China's partnership with Iran creates leverage due to the asymmetry inherent in the China‐Iran relationship.; (AN 58939291) |
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16. |
Reciprocal Dependencies: Turkey‐Iran Trade Relations Since the Turn of the 21st Century by Ozer‐Imer, Itir; Kilic, Emrullah Can. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p217-227, 11p; Abstract: International trade can be considered a means of sharing the world's wealth and a web that holds countries together. Despite the fact that this web is not strong enough to defy every problem between states, trade has become an important tool for Turkey's rapprochement with its neighbors. In this regard, Turkish‐Iranian trade relations are based on mutual benefits and reciprocal dependency. Despite the two countries’ different political and economic structures and numerous points of controversy, Turkey and Iran have enhanced their economic relations. As a result of increasing and mutually beneficial bilateral trade, both countries have succeeded in confining their differences to minor points of friction.; (AN 58939288) |
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17. |
Iran's Africa‐Pivot Policy by Keynoush, Banafsheh. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p228-248, 21p; Abstract: Africa is a pivotal continent for Iran, as the Islamic Republic aims to expand its influence in wider global vistas. Iran experiences frequent setbacks in developing its Africa policy, but the continent continues to offer ample opportunities to support Tehran. This is partly because revolutionary Iran's Africa policy evolves through a wide array of piecemeal political, security, maritime, economic, and cultural activities. A host of Iranian organizations implement Iran's Africa policy, including the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, the Quds Force, the naval forces, inter‐parliamentary groups, friendship associations, and local chambers of commerce, as well as charities, religious seminaries, and universities. This article explores Iran's policies and their impact across the African continent. It also shows how Iran's activities evolve as the country seizes opportunities to expand bilateral and regional ties with African countries while retracting its involvement when it is unable to ensure strong bonds. The ebb and flow in Iranian Africa policy challenges but continually offers Tehran a chance to explore its foreign relations across the continent; as a result, Africa will play a vital role in sustaining Iran's international contacts, ability to circumvent sanctions, and capacity to withstand pressures from rival powers. The undeniable spread of Islam across Africa means that Iran will make efforts to win followers and propagate its brand of religion and revolutionary worldview as part of measures to build strategic depth across the continent.; (AN 58939279) |
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18. |
DanielYerginThe New Map: Energy, Climate, and the Clash of NationsPenguin Books, 2020. 544 pages. $22.00, paper. by Schmierer, Richard J.. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p249-252, 4p; (AN 58939284) |
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19. |
Women Rising: In and Beyond the Arab Spring, RitaStephanand Mounira M.Charrad, eds. NYU Press, 2020. 422pages. $99 cloth.Embodying Geopolitics: Generations of Women's Activism in Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon, by NicolaPratt.: University of California Press, 2020. 328pages. $85 cloth $29.95 paper. by Aissa, Meriem. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p253-256, 4p; (AN 58939276) |
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20. |
Turkey's Mission Impossible: War and Peace with the Kurds, by CengizCandar. Lexington Books, 2020. 321pages. $120.00 hardcover. by Gunter, Michael M.. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p257-259, 3p; (AN 58939293) |
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The Shadow Commander: Soleimani, the US, and Iran's Global Ambitionsby ArashAzizi, Oneworld Publications, 2020. 304pages. $15.99, hardcover. by Asatryan, Georgi. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p260-263, 4p; (AN 58939280) |
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22. |
Armenian‐Kurdish Relations in the Provinces of Erzurum, Van, Bitlis, 1908‐1920, by GüzinÇaykıran. Hece Yayınları, 2021. 256pages. $6, paper, Turkish language by Güçlü, Yücel. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p263-266, 4p; (AN 58939271) |
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23. |
A New U.S. Paradigm for the Middle East: Ending America's Misguided Policy of Domination, by PaulPillar, AndrewBacevich, AnnelleSheline, and Trita Parsi, Quincy Paper No. 2, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, July 2020. by Weisbrode, Ken. Middle East Policy, September 2021, Vol. 28 Issue: Number 3-4 p266-269, 4p; (AN 58939275) |
Millennium
Volume 49, no. 3, June 2021
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Record |
Results |
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1. |
Entanglements and Detachments in Global Politics by Engelhard, Alice; Li, Andy; van Wingerden, Enrike. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p431-434, 4p; (AN 58056395) |
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2. |
A Speculative Lexicon of Entanglement by Lisle, Debbie. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p435-461, 27p; Abstract: This intervention offers a speculative lexicon to help students and scholars of global politics think critically and creatively about entanglement. It is neither definitive nor complete, but instead offers some possible points of entry into a contested field. It mobilises two particular claims: (1) that entanglement always involves both human and non-human entities; and (2) that entanglement is always emergent and in process. As a whole, this speculative lexicon is intended to help us sense the moment when entanglements intensify in ways that render them stable; attune to these durabilities in order to analyse their constitutive logics of inclusion/exclusion; acknowledge our own irrevocable entanglement in these logics; care for those bodies, lifeworlds, species and habitats that are targeted or abandoned by such logics; and craft mutual projects to disrupt, disaggregate and re-route these logics. Because entanglements are always emerging, dissipating and reconvening, the practice of navigating this open terrain is disorienting and often frustrating. We may desire a final destination where entanglements solidify and horizons magically appear, but giving in to that desire reproduces the violence of enclosure. This lexicon is offered as a way to keep the political terrain of entanglement open so we can collectively ensure that contestation remains a possibility.; (AN 58049594) |
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Carceral Seas by Khalili, Laleh. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p462-471, 10p; (AN 58056386) |
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4. |
Disentangling the Protection Suit: Images, Artefacts, and the Making of the Health-Security Nexus by Krause, Katharina. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p472-497, 26p; Abstract: The protection suit is the icon of infectious disease outbreaks. I argue that the protection suit has performative power not only by shaping the daily tasks of health workers and their interaction with patients, but also as a visual artefact and as a two-dimensional image determining how health crises and their security implications are understood and dealt with. The article proceeds in three steps: it firstly highlights the current absence of visuality in the academic literature on health security and makes the case for including it in the debate. Secondly, with recourse to Actor-Network Theory (ANT) it theoretically locates visual representations, as images and artefacts, as actors that act and enact each other in the health-security nexus. The third part of the article follows the protection suit during the Ebola epidemic in West Africa and maps the visual network it creates. In doing so this article demonstrates how the suit as artefact and image constitutes a network that visually and sensually links the bodies of patients, health workers and distant viewers in complex and at times competing makings of health security.; (AN 58222232) |
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Alternative Global Entanglements: ‘Detachment from Knowledge’ and the Limits of Decolonial Emancipation by Orellana Matute, Pablo. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p498-529, 32p; Abstract: While the call for broader conceptions about the political in general, and International Relations in particular, points to the need to redirect attention to the entanglements of societies, species and environments, in this article I address the way in which this proposed shift might still be reproducing anthropocentric understandings of global politics if serious attention is not devoted to the ontological foundations of the discipline. To do so, I first engage in a problematisation of decolonial efforts drawn from the Latin American experience that stress knowledge diversification as a means to emancipation. I then attempt to demonstrate that an exclusive intellectual engagement with entanglements and detachments might also be misleading, for their conventional conception is dependent on certain ontological commitments inherent to knowledge production, namely mind-world dualism and the linear conception of time. I therefore propose the notion of ‘detachment from knowledge’ as an alternative ontological practice through which IR students can themselves grapple with the dualist and anthropocentric oppressor/victim logic at the root of any emancipatory project. Such practice, I finally argue, not only allows us to understand the ‘global’ as indivisible, but also to engage with it beyond the exclusive pursuit of emancipation through knowledge, however diverse or decolonial it might be.; (AN 58200398) |
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Emotions, De/Attachment, and the Digital Archive: Reading Violence at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by Biddolph, Caitlin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p530-555, 26p; Abstract: The study of global politics is not an exercise in objectivity and rationality, but one that is embodied, personal, and deeply affective. Feminist scholarship both within and outside of International Relations (IR) have pioneered discussions of embracing our affective experiences as researchers, as well as maintaining ethical commitments to research participants and collaborators. In addition to feminist contributions, the emotional turn in IR has seen the emergence of vibrant scholarship exploring the role of emotions in sites and processes of global politics, as well as the role of emotions in the research process. In this article, I aim to contribute to this growing body of scholarship by speaking to these and other questions that explore the role of emotions in researchers’ engagement with their work. In particular, I draw on and interrogate my own emotional entanglements with the digital archives of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The goal of this article is to provide insights into the emotional process of reading and interpreting testimonies of violence, and to illuminate ethical concerns that arise – particularly as an ‘outsider’ – when reading and representing trauma in my research.; (AN 57888707) |
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Travelling Theory and its Consequences: José Ortega y Gasset and Radical Conservatism in Post-Cold War Japan by Narita, Karin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p556-576, 21p; Abstract: The last decade of the Cold War and the early years of the post-Cold War international order saw the emergence of a radical conservatism in Japan which has since taken root as a key ideological force in the country’s conservative political culture. This article traces the neglected but important influence of José Ortega y Grasset’s theory of the masses on this contemporary movement. However, in this journey across time, space, and culture, the theory of mass society has mutated. The article examines the ways in which Japanese radical conservative thinkers Susumu Nishibe and Keishi Saeki interpreted and applied Ortega’s work to critique the development of Japan’s contemporary political landscape. Radical conservatives transformed Ortega’s theory of the modern masses and his argument for elite liberalism into a critiqueof the liberal international order which favours reactionary nationalism. To understand this shift, the article examines the conceptualisations of modernisation and national identity as a necessary background to such theoretical and political appropriation.; (AN 58222230) |
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Reclaiming Substances in Relationalism: Quantum Holography and Substance-based Relational Analysis in World Politics by Pan, Chengxin. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p577-603, 27p; Abstract: The relational turn in International Relations (IR) has made important contributions by challenging the substantialist claim to substance/thing as ontological primitives, by drawing much-needed attention to relations as ontologically fundamental, and by introducing a diversity of relational ways of being/becoming, knowing and doing. Yet, while rightly repudiating substantialism, the relational turn has remained ambivalent about the concept of substance itself, leaving open an important question: How should we understand substance within a relational ontology? As a result, we are left with different and sometimes confusing positions on the issue of substances vis-à-vis relations. Seeing this gap as a missed opportunity for relationalism in IR, this article seeks to bring substance back in without falling back into substantialism. It draws on a quantum conception of substance via the idea of quantum holography (QH) and its related notion of whole-part duality, and stresses the little-understood dual and inseparable nature of substance-relation (‘relatance’). The concept of substance-relation duality not only enriches our relational thinking, but also allows us to engage in relational analysis through a reimagined notion of substance. To illustrate, the article turns to a substance-based relational analysis of US-China relations.; (AN 58200397) |
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Tales of Entanglement by Edkins, Jenny; César Díaz Calderón, Julio; Hozić, Aida A.; Muppidi, Himadeep; Inayatullah, Naeem; Rutazibwa, Olivia; Shilliam, Robbie. Millennium: Journal of International Studies, June 2021, Vol. 49 Issue: Number 3 p604-626, 23p; (AN 58222229) |
Orbis
Volume 65, no. 1, January 2021
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Editor's Corner by Gvosdev, Nikolas. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p1-2, 2p; (AN 54913423) |
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The Perils of Forecasting by Kaplan, Robert D.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p3-7, 5p; (AN 54913424) |
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How NATO Manages the “Bear” and the “Dragon” by Colby, Elbridge A.; Brzezinski, Ian. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p8-16, 9p; (AN 54913422) |
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National Security in the Post-Pandemic Era by Hoffman, Frank. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p17-45, 29p; Abstract: The geopolitical implications of COVID-19 are profound in the near term, and will have a ripple effect throughout the U.S. economy and the foundations of U.S. power. It could be more strategically contagious over the longer term if it compels a sharp change in how Americans see their role in the world and adapts its conception of national security. This article presents both the economic and fiscal impact of the pandemic in the United States, as well as the likely consequences for national security investments and the Pentagon's budget. It offers three potential defense strategies, at three possible spending levels, to examine options for the next administration.; (AN 54913425) |
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When Rivalry Goes Viral: COVID-19, U.S.-China Relations, and East Asia by deLisle, Jacques. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p46-74, 29p; Abstract: Regional security and regional order in East Asia are shaped profoundly by the United States, the People's Republic of China, and U.S.-China relations. The COVID-19 crisis accelerated a negative trajectory in the relationship between Washington and Beijing. As with so many issues, here, too, the situation in the time of COVID is much like the status quo ante, only more so. The pandemic-related and pandemic-exacerbated problems in U.S.-China relations pose challenges for security and stability in East Asia. They do so in ways that several theories of international relations would predict. This is the first of a two-part series, the latter of which will appear in an upcoming issue of Orbis.; (AN 54913426) |
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Russia's Artificial Intelligence Strategy: The Role of State-Owned Firms by Petrella, Stephanie; Miller, Chris; Cooper, Benjamin. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p75-100, 26p; Abstract: In 2017, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared that whichever country becomes the leader in artificial intelligence (AI) “will become the ruler of the world.” Yet Russia lags competitors like China and the United States substantially in AI capabilities. What is Russia's strategy for boosting development of AI technologies, and what role do groups within the Russian elite play in shaping this strategy? Russia's AI development strategy is unique in that it is led not by the government, nor by the private sector, but by state-owned firms. The government's distrust of Russia's largest tech firm, Yandex, has sidelined the company from national AI planning. Meanwhile, Russia's defense conglomerate Rostec publicly appears to focus less on artificial intelligence than on other high-tech priorities. As a result, Russia's AI development has been left to a state-owned bank, Sberbank, which has taken the lead in devising plans for government-backed investment in AI.; (AN 54913427) |
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Editorial board Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 pii-ii, 1p; (AN 55087731) |
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Stuck in the Middle: Taiwan's Semiconductor Industry, the U.S.-China Tech Fight, and Cross-Strait Stability by Shattuck, Thomas J.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p101-117, 17p; Abstract: The Trump administration has worked to restrict the People's Republic of China's ability to manufacture and acquire semiconductor chips since 2018. Caught in the crossfire of this burgeoning tech war is Taiwan, which is home to Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), the world's largest semiconductor chip manufacturer. With the United States banning companies that use U.S. technology in their chip manufacturing process from doing business with Huawei, TSMC can no longer do business with the Chinese tech company, one of its most important clients. Until the Trump administration announced the license restriction on Huawei, TSMC had managed to walk the fine line of doing business with both China and the United States, without riling either. This article argues that the TSMC example is indicative of how great power competition between the two countries will play out for the foreseeable future. TSMC has announced that it will build a new factory in Arizona as it faces Chinese firms poaching its employees and Chinese actors hacking its systems and code for trade secrets—all actions demonstrating how great power competition will play out for tech dominance. Avoiding direct live-fire conflict, China and the United States will work to restrict the other's actions and development by forcing important tech companies, such as TSMC, into picking a side.; (AN 54913428) |
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Back with a Vengeance: The Return of Rough and Tumble Geopolitics by Miskovic, Damjan Krnjevic. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p118-135, 18p; Abstract: Too many Western policymakers in the United States and across the European Union still remain attached to an “end of history” worldview, which has somewhat blinded them to the resurgence of great power politics. For the past decade or so, the unipolar world has been breaking apart due to various centrifugal geopolitical trends. The COVID-19 pandemic did not cause these trends, but is accelerating them. A leaderless, multipolar world on the cusp of de-globalization and the onset of a cold war between the United States and the People's Republic of China is a recipe for skyrocketing unpredictability and increased instability. This article traces the origins of these trends and provides a framework to analyze the political trajectories and geopolitical (and ethical) consequences thereof.; (AN 54913429) |
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The Global Communitarian Deficit by Etzioni, Amitai. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p136-151, 16p; Abstract: This article uses the sociological/philosophical theory of liberal communitarianism to analyze existing trends in global affairs. The European Union (EU) has often erred by expanding its missions without also recognizing the pull of nationalism and conducting community-building to strengthen the bonds among member nations. EU nations and countries around the world are retreating to nationalism. Rather than bringing the world together to fight a common enemy, the COVID-19 crisis has accelerated these global trends. The rise of nationalism has not increased domestic cohesion, but has led to high levels of domestic polarization. International communities seem a long way off, and the world order in the near future may depend to a considerable extent on whether the United States will permit China to increase its influence in the Western Pacific, which would allow for collaboration on most other matters.; (AN 54913430) |
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Iran's Geopolitics and Revolutionary Export: The Promises and Limits of the Proxy Empire by Seliktar, Ofira. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p152-171, 20p; Abstract: From its inception in 1979, the Islamic Republic of Iran has functioned as a traditional state and an exporter of the Islamist revolution, a formula promulgated by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Creating the revolutionary export narrative and calling on Shia Muslims to dominate the Middle East was one thing. Implementing this policy was another, as the regime—hobbled by a weak economy and a devastating war with Iraq—had few resources to spread its influence and take on its enemies. With traditional warfare out of the equation, Iranian leaders decided to mobilize the Shiite minorities to create the Axis of Resistance using tactics that later become known as fourth-generation warfare (4GW). Iran, still subject to overwhelming sanctions led by the United States and facing better armed opponents in Israel and Saudi Arabia, has intensified its proxy warfare in the twenty-first century.; (AN 54924544) |
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The Iran Coup That Never Dies by Takeyh, Ray. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p172-186, 15p; Abstract: The 1953 coup in Iran that toppled the nationalist Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadeq stands as one of the most controversial episodes of the Cold War. It is often referred to as the original sin where U.S. meddling poisoned relations between the two sides and even made the Islamist revolution of 1979 possible. But recent evidence suggests that America's role in the coup was a minor one and the key actors determining the course of events were the Iranians themselves. It was Iranian generals, clerics and everyday citizens who put an end to Mossadeq's premiership. All the Western lamentations aside, this was very much an Iranian affair.; (AN 54913431) |
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Observations of a Well-Rounded Diplomat by Zakheim, Dov S.. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p187-199, 13p; (AN 54913432) |
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Asia's New Geopolitics: Essays on Reshaping the Indo-Pacific by Edel, Charles. Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 p200-203, 4p; (AN 54913433) |
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Contents Orbis: Journal of World Affairs, January 2021, Vol. 65 Issue: Number 1 piii-iii, 1p; (AN 55087732) |
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