To avoid escalations to full kinetic (military) wars is imperative to win the non-kinetic part of the so-called "hybrid warfare", which use both kinetic and non-kinetic methods. The goal of the non-kinetic methods of hybrid warfare, or as others call it "grey zone" activities, or "subthreshold" tactics, is to defeat hearts and minds, as well as pockets, of adversaries, with social, political, and economic tools. This article focuses on energy as the crucial sector of the economic tools, and specifically uses an innovative approach, what the author calls the 'energy-resources-climate security nexus', as a new battleground for future strategic competition and hybrid warfare between Europe, Russia and other rivals. Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine Putin engaged Europe with non-military hybrid warfare. The hybrid warfare tactics employed by Russia especially in the energy sector have posed challenges the EU and NATO, who were unprepared but two organizations showed resilience and adaptation, starting to fight back. The problem is not only the Western dependence on Russian energy but also how the green transition pushed by climate change, that could be exploited with hybrid warfare. In the future is important to increase NATO-EU cooperation to fight other rivals too, like China, that could use new hybrid threats, especially because of the energy transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Everyone knows there is a climate crisis at hand and that humankind is to blame. Drastic measures are needed now to arrest human-induced climate change from greenhouse gas emissions. Or maybe not. The first part of this article will show that prevailing narratives and public perceptions of climate change are distorted by a series of exaggerations. The second part of the article examines efforts to link climate change to US national security. And the final part of the article explains why current climate policies pose a greater threat to US national security than the climate does.

The author reflects on the progress and prospects for Arctic cooperation and governance in order to consider the promise and limitations of Matt McDonald's ecological security framework outlined in his book "Ecological Security: Climate Change and the Construction of Security." Topics include how the post-Cold War cooperation in the Arctic started, the significance of the Arctic example to McDonald's ecological security framework, and the impact of Russian-Ukraine war on the Arctic cooperation.

Climate change goals and actions are often discussed with reference to their feasibility. However, in the climate change literature, there is no agreed upon understanding of what feasibility means. In this paper, insights from political philosophy are used to address this problem in a two-fold way. First, different uses of the term feasibility in the climate change context are critically analyzed, surfacing problematic uses that can have severe consequences for what goals or actions are considered. Second, the ‘conditional probability account of feasibility’ is presented as a positive account of how feasibility should be understood in the climate change context, and applied to the case of managed retreat as an approach for adaptation to sea level rise. Together, the critical analysis and the positive proposal furthers a necessary discussion on feasibility in the context of climate change.

The effects of climate change are becoming ever clearer. Young people’s participation in movements demanding action on climate change has grown and achieved new visibility. Yet the relations between climate change and education remain under-theorised. Such a theorisation should, we argue, take account of the current disconnection between climate change education and action, and the exclusion of the complex social, cultural, aesthetic and political effects of climate change from curricula. Further, it should consider a changed relation to young people as political subjects, that takes climate action as the moment and means of a more imaginative, interdisciplinary climate change education. Finally, we must confront the contradiction of such a climate change education to fundamental aspects of formal schooling including its governmental function. This special issue draws participants and contributions from across four continents and includes papers that take global or transnational perspectives and foreground the perspectives of Indigenous peoples. Its contributions engage with the problematic of climate change education by exploring the relationship between youth climate activism and education in terms of both education’s responsibility to foster generative encounters with young people whose futures will be conditioned by climate change, and the role of young people’s climate activism in disrupting and changing educational systems. Collectively the contributions pursue three broad lines of inquiry: (i) the dramatisation and visualisation of climate change for and by young people, (ii) the need for culturally responsive frameworks for climate change education, (iii) alternative pedagogical approaches that bring climate activism and education together.

Climate change can undermine human, national and planetary security in various ways. While scholars harve explored the human security implications of climate change and climate security discourses in Australia, systematic scientific assessments of climate change and national security are scarce. I address this knowledge gap by analysing whether climate change impacts the national security of Australia before 2050, focussing particularly on climate-related threats within Australia and on countries of high strategic importance for Australia. The results indicate that climate change will very likely undermine Australia’s national security by disrupting critical infrastructure, by challenging the capacity of the defence force, by increasing the risk of domestic political instability in Australia’s immediate region, by reducing the capabilities of partner countries in the Asia-Pacific region, and by interrupting important supply chains. These impacts will matter most if several large-scale disasters co-occur or if Australia becomes involved in a major international conflict. By contrast, international wars, large-scale migration, and adverse impacts on key international partners are only minor climate-related risks.

This paper examines how climate change and the environment have been incorporated into Spain’s security documents and policymaking. We have examined forty-plus documents issued by Spain’s National Security Department to identify the evolution of the climate and environmental discourse. A keyword filter helped to single out the eleven most environmentally relevant documents, which have been qualitatively analysed to better understand the context in which environmental language is used. In our work we identify how both common practices of security analysts and policy-makers different level policies have been strongly influenced by environmental knowledge, and, therefore, incorporated new considerations into security policies as well as. Our findings suggest that climate is not the only challenge incorporated into security documents. Other environmental issues such as desertification, access to water, energy transition or loss of biodiversity are also included, which implies that they are part of a broader concept of national security more in line with the new challenges of the twentity-first century.